The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is increasingly becoming a mirror of regional alignments and subtle power plays. At this year’s SCO Defence Ministers’ meet, India attempted to include a strong condemnation of the June 9 Pahalgam terror attack in Jammu & Kashmir in the final declaration. That effort, however, was quietly blocked.
What raises eyebrows is that while India’s suggestion was stonewalled—a reference to Pakistan’s Jaffarabad Express incident did make it into the final text, thanks to a collaborative push from China and Pakistan. This editorial tug-of-war has once again highlighted the growing convergence between Beijing and Islamabad within the SCO — and India’s growing discomfort in the bloc.
What Is the SCO Declaration?
Each year, after the conclusion of the SCO summit, a joint declaration is released. It’s not a press note from a single country — it’s a collective diplomatic document that reflects the shared positions and consensus of all member nations.
Topics generally include areas of mutual concern like counter-terrorism, regional security, trade, connectivity, and cultural cooperation. But there’s a catch: nothing gets in without full consensus. That means even one dissenting country can block a phrase, sentence, or reference.
Why Pahalgam Didn’t Make It
On June 9, 2025, a deadly terrorist attack took place in Pahalgam, targeting a convoy of pilgrims. India proposed that the SCO declaration include a clear condemnation of this act of terror.
However, Pakistan—and most likely China—objected. And because SCO operates on strict consensus, the moment any country opposes an inclusion, it’s dropped from the document. So, despite India’s insistence, Pahalgam never made it into the final text.
This isn’t unusual. SCO declarations rarely name specific incidents in India or Pakistan, because the two often veto each other’s proposals. India is known to raise objections when Pakistan tries to insert Kashmir references or push narratives that politicize terrorism. Likewise, Pakistan resists any mention of Pakistan-backed terror groups, even indirectly.
How the Declaration Is Drafted
The SCO declaration isn’t a last-minute draft. The process is meticulous and layered:
- Initial Drafting – Mid-level diplomats (often Joint Secretaries) from member nations meet multiple times to draft an initial document.
- Negotiation – Several rounds of discussion follow, during which nations propose inclusions and strike out contentious language.
- Language Bargaining – Even the choice of words—like “terror attack” vs. “violent incident”—is heavily negotiated.
- Finalization – Once there’s agreement, the draft is sent to the summit-level meeting, where foreign ministers or heads of state formally adopt it.
- Sign-Off – After final review, all members sign the declaration, which is then released publicly.
But the Jaffarabad Express Incident Was Included. Why?
Interestingly, the Jaffarabad Express tragedy, in which a train derailed causing civilian casualties, was included in the declaration—not as a terror attack, but under the section expressing condolences for humanitarian disasters.
This inclusion was carefully worded and non-political. Pakistan likely pitched it as a tragic loss of life, not a politically sensitive event. Since it didn’t touch upon terror, territory, or blame, India chose not to object—a standard diplomatic trade-off.
India’s Broader Policy at the SCO
India’s approach at SCO is consistent:
- It objects when terrorism is politicized.
- It pushes back against any attempt to reference Kashmir.
- It does not accept blame-shifting language around terror.
India usually registers such concerns via official statements, separate from the joint document. It’s a way to assert its position without disrupting the broader summit.
So, What Does This Mean for India’s SCO Role?
India isn’t likely to walk away from the SCO just yet — but it is recalibrating its engagement. The growing dominance of the China-Pakistan axis, especially in final statements and narrative framing, is hard to ignore.
India may start limiting its participation or using the SCO more as a symbolic or tactical platform—while doubling down on other groupings like QUAD, I2U2, and Indo-Pacific alliances, where its strategic interests align better and China holds less sway.
In fact, after the 2024 summit in Kazakhstan, India had already expressed displeasure over SCO’s handling of terror language and the exclusion of Pakistan-backed terror outfits from the document.
A Pattern Emerging: Two Against One?
The last two years have shown a clear shift in tone. Final declarations seem to reflect a China-Pakistan bloc influence, especially on terrorism-related language.
In 2025, India again found itself isolated, watching the declaration acknowledge a train accident in Pakistan, but not the terror attack on its soil just days prior. That silence was loud — and telling.
For India, SCO is becoming less of a strategic platform and more of a diplomatic balancing act. And that, in itself, might determine how long New Delhi chooses to remain fully engaged.
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